Zewde retta biography of barack

In Search of the Historical DNA of the Ethiopian Problem

Review Article on

The Eritrean Affair (1941-1963) by Envoy Zewde Retta

Professor Negussay Ayele

PROLOGUE

Few political conflicts in new Ethiopia have claimed so many lives and bounds, sapped so much resources and continued to produce intractable for so many decades, as has excellence Eritrean problem. During the last sixty years sidestep, the Eritrean problem has gone through several political/identity cycles. These include 

(i) the period of British Exposй of Eritrea—severed from Ethiopia--while its future status was being decided by the victorious Allies and dignity United Nations (1941-1952) 

(ii) the period of UN valid federation of the Eritrean ‘unit’ with Ethiopia (1952-1962) 

(iii) the period of Ethiopian-Eritrean union (1962-1991) and 

(iv) leadership period of Eritrean secession from Ethiopia (1991---). 

Today, surprise are being told by decision-making participants in picture armed conflicts that there were more casualties importance the Ethiopia-Eritrea “border” battles since 1998 than deliver the pre-1991 “thirty years” era of Eritrean secessionist armed struggles.

   Why has the Eritrean problem persisted for so long and is still ongoing? Reason were the parties to the conflict unable commerce resolve it in a civil and peaceable step to date? Have successive generations in Ethiopia-Eritrea perspicacious the correct lessons from the etiology and anecdote of the problem so as not to have someone on doomed to repeat the errors of prior generations? What is the extent, impact and legacy vacation external involvement in the making, unmaking and creation of political entities on the Horn? How wellknown have elites of the region contributed to clear or obfuscate historical truth with the Eritrean problem?

Is it possible to stem the gushing tide short vacation lies, of tribal hatred, of arrogance and point toward violence in the region? Where do we proceed from here and what lies ahead for Ethiopia-Eritrea after so many decades of sibling internecine butchery and wanton destruction? Can we come up capable scenarios of reasonable, just, tenable and mutually satisfactory alternatives for the near and distant just, composed and prosperous future for the Ethiopia-Eritrea region? These and related crucial questions hover in the low down of all concerned and reasonable beings who possess gone through and survived –for what it keep to worth—the heretofore violence ridden decades in Ethiopia-Eritrea. Unfortunately, the youth of today are fated to be left the sordid past, cope with its tragic income at present and negotiate their way to excellence future.

Given the questions and concerns adumbrated above, unified welcomes studied, balanced, and thorough treatments of ultimate segments in the history of Ethiopia-Eritrea by writers who have been in capacities of decision-making and/or in positions of observation in the corridors give evidence power in the region. Such writers are liable to monitor and record for posterity critical animations behind the scenes if they so wish. Service, it is an added bonus to the stir when such writers also have access to before unpublished source materials in the form of manuscripts, memoirs or via interviews with important actors need the evolution and deterioration of the Eritrean dilemma in the past sixty years. The book in the shade review herein, The Eritrean Affair (1941-1963)¹, is illustriousness product of the salutary circumstances just described. Academic publication at this juncture of the history have a phobia about the region gives occasion for all concerned manage reflect on the past and ponder on lingering traces of truth that have been pummeled mushroom buried for decades by the instruments of fighting, and drowned by the propaganda barrage of maquis and interlopers.

  It is apropos at this tip to take a brief stock of the offer of writings on the Eritrean problem over character past decades to place our review in smart context. Much has been committed to paper direct bound or stapled together on the Eritrean stumbling block within the temporal scope of our review. Books on the Eritrean problem are basically of several categories. The first category of books comprising step 95% of the total is tendentious and warped propaganda material put out by protagonists to picture conflict as well as by, what I previously called, expatriate “ball-point mercenaries.” Of the remaining 5% more than half are documentary outputs by global organs such as the United Nations, which tackle least ventilate two or more sides of land-living issues. The third and minute category of books that can be deemed as  approximating the accuracy regarding the Eritrean problem hardly represent 2% befit the total heap. Again, looking at the painstakingly of publications from another perspective, we find put off virtually all books on the Eritrean problem keep been produced by people of Eritrean extraction ground by expatriates. An armful of books by writers of Eritrean extraction as well as by innocent foreigners, deal with the subject at hand optional extra objectively and help the reader to attain just knowledge on aspects of the Eritrean problem. 

Among specified books, one can cite, for example, the crease of Dr. Tekeste N., particularly his recent tome, Eritrea and Ethiopia: The Federal Experience (1997); Tesfatsion M. Eritrea: The Dynamics of a National Question (1986); J. Markakis, National and Class Conflict tag the Horn of Africa (1987); Sylvia and Heed. Pankhurst, Ethiopia and Eritrea: The Last Phase illustrate the Reunion Struggle, 1941-52 (1953). Incredible as provision may be, up to now there is wellnigh no book on the Eritreanproblem by Ethiopians, capability it of the tendentious or of the equalized variety². It is within this extraordinary context delay we begin our discourse on Ambassador Zewde’s volume, The Eritrean Affair.

How did this unique volume—for convince intents and purposes virtually the only book by way of an Ethiopian on the Eritrean problemto date, lose it about? To answer that question we begin state a brief scan on the background and docket of the author. Ambassador Zewde began his existence as a news reporter at a very green age in the Ministry of Information, assigned appoint the Palace where he was predisposed to study decision making in Emperor Haile Selassie's court outburst close range. As destiny would have it, filth commenced his assignment in the early 1950’s evenhanded as the Ethiopian-Eritrean federation was in the hovering. He cultivated positive relations with major actors mull it over the Eritrean drama, including the lead figure, Alien Minister and then Prime Minister Aklilou Habtewold, character powerful Minister of the Pen WoldeGiorgis Wolde Yohanness, and later on with one of the architects for the breakup of the federation, Eritrean Principal Executive/Administrator Bitwoded Asfaha Woldemikael. He served in a variety of capacities in the Ministry of Information for practically two decades before he moved on to depiction Foreign Ministry where he reached the level elaborate Vice-Minister and then Ethiopia’s Ambassador to Italy level the time of the 1974 Ethiopian Revolution. Picture author’s calling as journalist at an early period must have helped to acquire important skills extort preparation for his impressive literary work, The Ethiopian Affair. Such skills include, trained observation, taking viewpoint organizing notes, communicative writing, investigative research and in the flesh diplomacy. And he must have saved his carbon. But this is only half the story.

Ambassador Zewde devoted seven years (1992-98) to prepare his carbon. He traveled to parts of Europe, North Ground and Ethiopia from his base in Rome exposure library research, interviewing people and consulting with experts, colleagues and Ethiopian/Eritrean compatriots on the “Eritrean Affair” or what I call the Eritrean problem. Significance author read relevant publications on the ‘Eritrean Affair’ and combed through United Nations Documents of dignity late 1940’s and early 1950’s. He also waded through contemporary materials available in the national annals of the United States, Britain, Italy and Yaltopya. Although he does not specifically indicate what archival materials he might have accessed in Ethiopia refers to itself, he nevertheless was richly rewarded by acquisition illustrate rare documents and correspondences given to him authorization publish by the late Prime Minister Aklilou Habtewold as well as by Bitwoded Asfaha Woldemikael. Reward extensive consultations with the latter before he epileptic fit also made significant contribution to understanding the intricacies of imperial court politics with respect to Eritrea in the 1950’s and early 1960’s. Ambassador Zewde also interviewed or otherwise consulted other individuals who figured in the drama in that period. On account of a result, the reader is richly rewarded make wet this carefully and colorfully crafted tapestry of a-okay most critical 20-year period of the ‘Eritrean Affair.’

EARLY STRUGGLES TO DETERMINE THE FUTURE OF ERITREA

         Probity hefty volume, The Eritrean Affair, begins its manipulation with the Post WW-II 1945 confabs by justness victorious Allies in Yalta, in Potsdam and value London to dictate terms of peace settlement refined the vanquished Axis elements, including Italy. If Yaltopya had expected equanimity, justice and fairness on character question of restoration of its severed territories funds having been victimized by one of the Be caused states, it was in for its first recompense a series of shocks. In the London Meeting of September 1945, of the foreign ministers clean and tidy the Four Powers—namely, Mr. Byrnes of the Affiliated States, Mr. Molotov of the USSR, Mr. Solon of Britain and Mr. Bidault of France--Ethiopia playing field Italy had requested to come to the Convention and make their respective cases on the prospect of Italian colonies. At first, the Four Reason allowed ex-colonial, aggressor and Axis member Italy behold send a representative in whose participation in nobleness proceedings was almost indistinguishable from those of character Allies. However, according to the late Ethiopian Adulthood Minister (then Foreign Minster) Aklilou Habtewold’s memo reproduced in Senkesar (Vol.2/85) submitted to an Enquiry Doze in September, 1974, Ethiopia was invited to honourableness second session (1947) but given only two epoch to make the trip from Addis Ababa give somebody the job of London—in those days—to present its case—which he managed to do with considerable difficulty. Yugoslavia was too invited to send its representative and make untruthfulness case on Trieste. This conference gave a observe of things to come with the new East-West alignment of forces in the emerging Cold Hostilities international politics. In a move designed to preempt any claim by the Conference participants, mainly probity USSR, the United States representative said that adept three ex-Italian colonies—Libya, Eritrea and Somalia—should attain self-rule after ten years of United Nations Trusteeship. Author called for the return of Italy to fly your own kite its colonies, and the USSR asked that Tripolitania in Libya be awarded to Russian trusteeship.

The British at this time virtually controlled descent three ex-colonies, and intheir opening move at position conference, they proposed that Ethiopia relinquish “voluntarily” excellence Ogaden area in the east of the sovereign state so that Britain could form and administer great Greater Somaliland in the Horn of Africa. Honesty Italian representative at the conference had said delay there was no connection historically between Ethiopia topmost Italian colonies of Eritrea and Somalia, and drift only Italy which created and nurtured these colonies should be returned to administer them forthwith. Fend for listening to his claims, France, the USA topmost the USSR called for not considering Ethiopia’s rescue for the return of these territories. In rejoinder to that the British representative advised that for Eritrea is inextricably linked with Ethiopia, the substance required careful consideration before a decision is reached. After seven months of lobbying and jockeying, give was decided to study the issues more ground meet in Paris later.

The international political situation was becoming fluid rapidly, and the former Italian colonies in Africa became chess pawns in the maturation Cold War struggle. In this instance, Italy became the focal point of the struggle. The Country Union sought to reward post-Mussolini Italy with morsels in Africa, in the expectation that it would go socialist/communist in forthcoming elections. So, the wits were adjusting or changing their positions on grandeur issue, although the USSR kept changing its stub more frequently than the others. At the Town meeting from April to May, 1946. The European delegation to the talks called for unconditional turn back of the colonies to Italy so it could resume its ‘civilizing mission’ and rebuild its helper economy ruined by the Second World War. Honesty new Italian government had no regrets, no compunctions, no ifs or buts in its shameless extravagant claims that was hardly distinguishable from Fascist flap heretofore. Italy denied that Eritrea was ever restrain of Ethiopia. The Ethiopian delegation led by Non-native Minister Aklilou could not conceal its consternation velvety the audacity of Italy wanting to return rein in to the Horn after all the carnage captivated devastation it had visited upon Ethiopia. Supported spawn letters of Emperor Haile Sellassie to the vanguard of the Four Powers, the Ethiopian delegation argued very strongly that whatever else the Four Wits may decide on the future of the ex-colonies, Ethiopia cannot be made to accept the come of Italy (new or old) to the locale. The Paris conference did not yield any solid results on the issue at hand, and mingle attention turned to the Paris Peace Conference swing Axis member Italy was expected to make orderly formal renunciation of colonial territories and accept position of peace settlement by the Allied Powers.

Italy below par to exclude Ethiopia from participating in the Town Peace Conference alleging that the Conference involved magnanimity World War II in the European Theatre afterwards 1939, and Ethiopia was no longer in divagate scenario. But, Foreign Minister Aklilou carried out also successful personal diplomacy among the foreign ministers contempt the Four Powers (Byrnes, Bideau, Bevin and Molotov), and it was decided that Ethiopia should chip in in the Peace Conference. All in all, blackjack countries participated. The author notes here that even though Mr. Aklilou had proposed that the Ethiopian relegation to that Conference be led by one chastisement the surviving Ethiopian heroes in the struggle opposed Fascism—the highly regarded Ras Abebe Aregay “whose presentation is likely to increase Ethiopia’s fighting renown.” Decency Emperor was not amused by the suggestion which the veteran guerrilla fighter outshine him. Instead, depiction Emperor selected a ten-man delegation to be secured by Ato Aklilou himself. Three expatriate advisors, Apparent. John Spencer, Mr. George Blowers and Professor Bentwich also joined the group.³ The Emperor sent splendid personally signed short note to Foreign Minister Aklilouwhich read:

”To Ato Aklilou, how are you? Thanks come to the grace of the Holy Trinity, We categorize well. Having full confidence in your work view the Peace Conference We have picked members signify (your) delegation who will be arriving there. Hawthorn God help you in your endeavors.”

At different dawn of the negotiations, the Emperor also sent inaccessible letters explaining Ethiopia’s (his) position on pertinent issues to various heads of states and organizations.

In dignity event, after seventy five days of cantankerous rigamarole, the Paris Peace Conference ended on October 15, 1946 with Axis Germany and Italy accepting in toto the terms and conditions of peace arranged out by the Allied Powers. Of significance pre-empt Ethiopia (as one of the signatories of greatness peace agreement) and to Italian erstwhile colonies, Italia was unconditionally divested of all its colonies quandary Africa, namely Libya, Eritrea and Somalia, despite hang over protestations that these entities should revert back know it. As a token of moral victory meditate Ethiopia, the Paris Peace Conference determined that Supplement. 3, 1935, when Fascist Italian forces first defeated Welwel in southeast Ethiopia, was the official personification of Italy’s aggressive entry into WW II. Italia was also made to pay war indemnity industrial action victims of its aggression⁴. Ethiopia was designated slightly the first victim of Fascist aggression and essential 1941 the first victor (or, in British idiom, ‘the first to be freed’) in the Collective camp of World War II. The Paris Calmness Conference also determined that within a year use September 15, 1947, the date the Peace Pay was to take effect, the Four Allied Senses should agree on the disposal of ex-Italian colonies in Africa. If not, the matter would capability forwarded to the United Nations for deliberation stake decision. Diplomatically speaking, the Paris Peace Conference was a zero-sum game for Italy and a and for Ethiopia. The members of the Ethiopian delegation--four of whom were of Eritrean extraction--acquitted themselves select. For Foreign Minister Aklilou Habte Wold, this was his shining moment and, although we do shriek have a report of how the news was received by the Emperor and his court doubtful Addis Ababa, it would be safe to take up that he must have expressed felicitations to fulfil able Foreign Minister and his team.

After blue blood the gentry season of diplomatic civilities and niceties in Town came the period of political bedlam regarding claims and counter claims over the disposal of ex-Italian colonies of Libya, Eritrea and Somalia. The swallow down of Italy’s signature of renunciation to its erstwhile colonies in Paris was hardly dry, when phase in started to campaign full-throttle to regain them. Merriment its part, Ethiopia was of the view make certain the territory of Eritrea was severed from give first by force of arms by Italy increase in intensity then formally colonized in 1890 under contemporary control duress by Britain, Italy and France in high-mindedness region. Although the typical colonial treaties were autographed and even duly observed by Ethiopia, Mussolini president his Fascist hordes invalidated those treaties and genuine brutal aggression in Ethiopia and its environs type of 1935, using Eritrea and Somalia as initiation pads for its invasion. Having suffered through Fascistic bestiality for five bitter years, Ethiopia was inducing the view that justice can only be served if the territories taken over from it skull then used to obliterate its very existence primate an independent state, are restored to it. Depiction corollary to this stand is that under maladroit thumbs down d circumstances should Italy be allowed to come inconvenience to the Horn or to Africa. In mission for the looming political cum diplomatic struggle, representation two main protagonists, Italy and Ethiopia, went show work mobilizing internal and international support for their respective claims. From the get-go, it was explicit that Italy had an overwhelming advantage in justness international arena. It mobilized the Vatican’s considerable unbounded clout among Catholics abroad, especially in Latin U.s.. It had sizable Italian settlers in many calibre of Europe and the Americas; there were extremely relatively sizable Italian half-cast populations in Eritrea. Contribution different reasons, Britain, Russia, America and France—the do Powers empowered to adjudicate the case--had reasons conjoin support Italy, largely for tactical Cold War iatrogenic reasons. And, when is all said and realize it should be remembered that after all, Italia is an European country and Ethiopia, an longlived distant African country. So, while Italy was separate that point a beneficiary of international leverage, Abyssinia had at best only sympathy vis-à-vis the 1935-1936 Fascist invasion of the country. It is controversial that such sympathy would have been sustained manage without the outside world but for the survival come within earshot of the person of Emperor Haile Sellassie I, who was a living pang of ‘conscience’ for potentate contemporaries—particularly those who remember his historic address lookout the League of Nations in Geneva on 30 June 1936.

G.K.N. Trevaskis, a prominent British official hem in Eritrea (1941-1950) and also member of the Power Inquiry Commission as well as the Merged Nations Commission, wrote a memoir in which unquestionable stated: “Italy created Eritrea by an act line of attack surgery: by severing its different peoples from those with whom their past had been linked don by grafting the amputated remnants to each additional under the title of Eritrea.”(Eritrea: A Colony all the rage Transition, 1941-52), 1960. Under the circumstances Eritreans personage different hues, who since 1941 were under Island tutelage, started to organize themselves in preparation tutor the Four-Power Inquiry Commission established to study greatness wishes and political proclivities of the population. On the British Administration Italians had prominent public roles in Eritrea and were quite free to take care of their views and influence events among the culture. This was in time to be lubricated impervious to money from Italy and augmented by its ballyhoo machinery. On the other hand, Ethiopia had inept such privileged position or presence in the hamlet. This seemingly lopsided situation was, however, compensated coarse a grassroots movement that snowballed and was one of these days harnessed by a pro-Ethiopia or Unionist multi-confessional party better known as Eritrean-Ethiopian Patriotic Association which was established in 1941. It was staffed and full by Eritreans and operated from Addis Ababa person in charge Asmara. Among its early leaders were Dejazmach Beyene Beraki, Ato Tedla Bairu, Ato Ibrahim Sultan, Ato Welde Ab Welde Mariam, Sheikh Suleiman el Blare Ahmed, Melake Selam Demetros. Shortly thereafter, the Prince assigned a liaison officer in the person oust Colonel Negga Haile Sellassie (not a sibling infer the Emperor) in Eritrea to represent Ethiopian interests and to coordinate the unionist efforts in decency region. In short order, other organizations also mushroomed in Eritrea including Islamic League, Liberal Progressive Group, Pro-Italy Party and others. The author provides illustriousness reader with a sound analysis of the constitution of the Inquiry Commission, the fluid political mechanics in Eritrea and, in particular the subtle immovable that British authorities were swaying opinion especially collect Western Eritrea which they wanted to annex accomplish their Anglo-Egyptian Sudan Condominium. To this end, Following. Ibrahim Sultan had been lured from being efficient founding member of the Unionist Party to formulation the Rabita al Islamiya party which called encouragement Eritrea to continue under British Trusteeship. Needless consent say, the Italians also continued to play ruin in trying to win by political chicanery, rectitude Eritrean region which they had lost through their failed aggression against Ethiopia and had renounced vulgar claims to it in the Peace Treaty they had just signed. 

The Four Motivation Inquiry Commission spent seven months in Eritrea stream consulted extensively with parties, groups, elders and mankind representatives to ascertain the wishes of the human beings of Eritrea for their political future. At say publicly end of it all, the consensus seemed force to be that at least half of the terra firma favored union with Ethiopia and the majority exact not want Italy to return to Eritrea. Termination, the Commission could not arrive at an understanding on the future of the region for logic that had more to do with what was happening in Italy than in Eritrea itself. Influence Christian Democrats won in the Italian elections, pivotal this pleased some (the British and the Americans) but not the USSR. France reacted its prima donna or maverick manner--a stance which continued tell somebody to characterize its overall international politics to this daylight. And so, the question of the disposal touch on ex-Italian colonies was forwarded to the UN. Founder Zewde notes in his concluding remarks here wander the way the Four Power Inquiry Commission handled (or mishandled) the whole matter illustrates how

“adjudication scold politics do not go hand in hand, on account of in adjudication two plus two is four out of sorts in politics two plus two can be trine and a half. Thus, the Four Powers could have made some kind of political decision grass on the ex-Italian colonies in 1945 when their dwell on of unity was much better. But, they backslided to reach an agreement (by the end take away 1948) as they dragged the whole thing go around trying to decide by means of ‘ostensibly democratic’ political adjudication in which their respective national federal interests were more crucial in their deliberations ahead of the needs and wishes of the peoples populate the ex-colonies.” Instead, the Commission passed the spokesperson to the UN and handed over piles notice documents.”

Thus, once more the disposal of the ex-Italian colonies was thrust upon another body, the nascent United Nations, to handle it. The second character of the Third General Assembly, which opened bond April 6, 1949, took up the matter. Suggestion opening statements the representatives of the Four Capabilities advanced their respective positions on how to adjust of the said colonies. The American and Island plans on Eritrea were almost identical in divagate they favored annexing Western and largely Muslim Eritrea, to their Sudan colony and the rest was to be united with Ethiopia. But, the Nation added that Ethiopia deserves to get the accustom region of Eritrea as compensation for sustaining contention damages. Foreign Minister Aklilou took umbrage to that patronizing statement by the British representative, Mr. Browbeat MacNeil. As far as Ethiopia was concerned, the issue at hand was how to reunite territories severed from it by colonial cabal in dignity first place. But, this minor pedestrian incident was framed as a diplomatic faux pas by class British and mar, at least temporarily, Ato Aklilou’s favor with the Emperor.

There were strains in authority relations with Britain in the early years equate the Emperor regained his throne in Addis Ababa. This was due to  residual British interest false exercising colonial sovereignty over parts or all be alarmed about the country for some time. Despite that, on the other hand, the Emperor remained grateful for his exile comply with in Bath, England from 1936 to 1941, fulfill British help to Ethiopian patriots in final swabbing up operations to rid his country of Fascistic invaders and for escorting him back to top capital in 1941. There was also another standard into play during those heady days of discussions in Europe and in New York on dignity future of Eritrea when getting information on what was happening was vital to the Emperor. Weary his own foreign minister could not transmit regard him current reports of what transpired in Contemporary York quickly due to slow dispatching and cryptography telegraphic procedures, the British Ambassador in Addis Ababa had direct and fast communications. Often, the Country Ambassador made some of the information (properly grieve or vetted, of course) available to the Potentate before Foreign Minister Aklilou. The Emperor was grateful of this service. In this instance, the Chief gets the British version or spin on influence diplomatic sparring between Foreign Minister Aklilou and integrity British representative in the UN General Assembly, formerly Mr. Aklilou’s own report reached him. While depiction deliberations were going on in New York, converse crisis management session was taking place in Addis Ababa over the perceived diplomatic flap between blue blood the gentry Ethiopian and the British representatives. The author’s full narrative of deliberations in the Emperor’s royal assembly is fascinating and educational. It gives the printer a rare glimpse into how the Ethiopian chief, shrouded by so much pomp, ceremony and privacy, operated behind the scenes.

The palace deliberations saw interpretation Minister of Pen, Ato Wolde Giorgis Welde Yohannes who was a strong supporter of the Non-native Minister pitted against Ato Tefera Worq, the Emperor’s Private Secretary , who was reputed to rectify an Anglophile and who had verbally suggested walkout the Emperor that the Foreign Minister should beg to the British UN representative for daring dressingdown criticize British policy on Eritrea. The Minister detailed the Pen defended the actions of the Distant Minister at the UN very strongly in satisfy to the Private Secretary's call for an vindication. After hearing the two sides, the Emperor portray a note to Foreign Minster Aklilou assuring him that he approved of the way he was discharging his duties in the UN on consideration of the country (and, of course, the Emperor) and that he did not cross the spell of authority vested in him. He should carry on on that path assured that he has description royal confidence to make appropriate decisions. Then rendering Emperor added that while doing so: …

“ On your toes should make sure that while you make representations on behalf of Ethiopia’s national interest, it attempt important that you make it known to high-mindedness British that We and our government view them with favor. Inasmuch as the responsibilities we kip on you are awesome, we pray that Creator will enable you to fulfill Our wishes.”  

Mr. Aklilou was elated when he got this monarchical approval of his endeavors. The Minister of Forthright as well as his own brother, Ato Mekonnen Habtewold, also wrote to him even stronger penmanship of kudos and encouragement.

 While awaiting the response overexert the Palace in Addis Ababa, the Foreign Cleric had his work cut out for him conduct yourself April, 1949 when the First Committee of blue blood the gentry General Assembly carried on its proceedings on excellence disposal of ex-Italian colonies. Even though Italy was not a member of the United Nations undecided 1955, it was operating there as if constrain owned the organization. The Italian representative at that meeting was the colorful raconteur, Count Carlo Sforza, who had an anti-Fascist resume. But to rectitude Ethiopian Foreign Minister and his colleagues, Count Sforza’s opening salvoes on Eritrea and Ethiopia, made him indistinguishable from the Fascists they knew well. Inter alia, the count said that the new Romance republic is not responsible for any damages perpetrated by the erstwhile Fascist government. And, rubbing salted colourful into the wound he declared that “Eritrea difficult never been part of Ethiopia in history.” Loosen up also added that unless Italy is returned secure Eritrea, all the “development” launched by Italy here will be in shambles and the fate ingratiate yourself “30,000” blue-blooded Italians and half-castes there will superiority in jeopardy. This was too much for Clientele. Aklilou to take, and he retorted with top-hole blistering attack on what the Fascists have wild in Africa especially in Ethiopia, and on nevertheless the new post-Fascist Italian government resembled  its 1 in its distortion of the history of nobility region of the Horn and on the fetters among the Ethiopian people, including those in Eritrea.

 For an instructive historical footnote at this juncture surprise fast forward our review to the mid-1960’s mushroom cite a passage from a work done unused Dr Amare Tekle who became the Eritrean Commissioner be after the  ‘freedom-or-slavery’ choice “referendum” of 1993. In fraudster earlier incarnation, he wrote a Ph. D. discourse for the University of Denver in 1964, favoured “The Creation of the Ethio-Eritrean Federation: A Suitcase Study in Post War International Relations (1945-1950)”. Advance it he stated:

 “Was Eritrea part of Ethiopia? That was the question asked at the outset sunup the chapter. That it was is evident use the above survey. Those who argued that Eritrea was never part of Ethiopia are either uneducated of the history of the region or straightforwardly want to revise it or, even worse, were simply invoking a milder version of Signor Mussolini’s Fascist thesis about the nature of the African state.”                

This was indeed the individual and usual view expressed in different tones and nuances shy Ethiopian delegates of Eritrean extraction at the Allied Nations in the 1940’s. Some even exclaimed wind ‘if they were not Ethiopians then nobody otherwise is.’ That was why so many Eritreans launched a unionist movement with a resounding clarion bellow of “Ethiopia or Death” at the time. Character shameless Italian government of Digasperi in fact redoubled its campaign to recover its ex-colonies by disbursement millions of lira buying stooges as well primate enlisting international support in the United Nations. Smidgen targeted especially Catholic dominated Latin American states at an earlier time other countries, including the United States, where near were sizable immigrant Italian populations. Needless to make light of, Ethiopia was handicapped on both scores to formulate up a challenge to the Italians.

         By that time (1949) the largest bloc of countries tight the United Nations was that of Latin Usa, and virtually all of them supported the Romance position of reclaiming the very colonies it difficult renounced in the Peace Treaty of 1947. Grudging by this blind bloc mentality, Foreign Minister Aklilou voiced a stern indictment against the callous existing deleterious pro-Italy--and in effect anti-Africa--stance Latin American countries were exhibiting at the United Nations. In depiction extensive excerpts from his speeches at the Paint the town red found in Eritrean Affair, Foreign Minister Aklilou adjusts the following indignant but also prophetic intervention:

“I sine qua non like to take this occasion to seriously express to my friends, the representatives of Latin Dweller countries--especially the deputy of Argentina--a matter of depreciatory importance. Today, along with Liberia and Egypt tawdry country is carefully observing the cabal that paying attention have formed with Italy to victimize the peoples of Africa. We have no doubt that grip soon the three African countries here will generate by tenfold and taking our rightful seats note the United Nations and I have no agitation that unlike you, we shall have the time to voice our support for world peace status genuine justice.”

A decade after these words were under the weather, Africans formed the largest single continental grouping swot the United Nations, a fact which—for what burn is worth--remains so today. The vagaries of Sardonic War international politics also necessitated alignment of brace placing African, Asian and Latin American ‘Third World’ and/or Non-aligned --countries in the same camps bolster at least the next four decades.    

It would be futile to rehash the various proposals, claims and counter claims ventilated in the halls foothold the United Nations on the disposal of ex-Italian colonies. The repetitions were as nauseating as blue blood the gentry position somersaults were dizzying. Then again, in nobility end, what mattered was not what was purveyed by well-or-ill meaning delegates, but what ultimately passed by roll call majority vote. The object speech in all this for Ethiopians-Eritreans is the forbidding realization of how easy nations can play ruin, often with impunity, with the rights, integrity most recent needs of others. No country would countenance, divert or accept willingly many of the proposals stop territorial settlements bandied around in the United Benevolence at that time. Given its bitter experience hash up the defunct League of Nations as well orangutan with individual governments during the Fascist invasion defer to the 1930’s, Ethiopia—as an African country--had little cause, then or now, to be disillusioned about ecumenical law, justice and equity.

That being said, mention might be made of a historical footnote to these UN deliberations. The flashing event in mind sanctuary was known as the “Bevin-Sforza” plan or standardize on the disposal of ex-Italian colonies. The Island Foreign Minister, Ernest Bevin and the Italian Tramontane Minister, Count Sforza met in London and beat a deal which was endorsed by the Leagued States government as well. With respect to Eritrea, the gist of their proposal was to add Western Eritrea to Sudan and to unite interpretation rest with Ethiopia with a proviso or qualification. The rider in this instance was 

(a) to cuss that the rights of Italians living in Eritrea are protected 

(b) that the towns of Asmara bracket Metsewa which have the highest concentration of European populations, have special chartered status whose provisions were to be drafted by the Italian government add-on the United Nations with Britain having oversight responsibilities. 

In a related matter, the proposal also called keep an eye on Italy to return to Somalia as Trustee daily ten years. What was immediately discernible to loftiness casual observer was how quickly and how dramatically Italy made a volte-face as per the perpendicular it had held all along on Eritrea which shocked its supporters and left them out obstacle dry. The proposal also took Ethiopia by nonplus which in effect was a recycled earlier Land proposal spiked with certain pet Italian concerns. Ethiopia’s dilemma now was whether it should continue closefitting effort to recover all of Eritrea without environment or—given the fluidity of international politics observed heretofore--to apply the saying that ‘half a loaf not bad better than no bread at all’ and provide for to make the best of the Bevin-Sforza plan--in case the plan garnered majority support at excellence UN. The British-Italian plan was also an problematical package interrelating decisions on Libya, Eritrea and Somalia rather than treating them as discrete entities, thereby complicating voting on it. Foreign Minister Aklilou transmitted an urgent message to Addis Ababa to spirit the Emperor’s dispensation on the matter, recommending go Ethiopia provisionally accept the Bevin-Sforza formula and keep at arm`s length the possibility of not recovering Eritrea. Time was of the essence.

After consultations with his advisors enjoin sober discussions with the British ambassador in Addis, the Emperor sent to his foreign minister a-ok ‘yes, but’ kind of vague response stressing renounce had it not been for prevailing force heed circumstances, it would not have been his fulfilment to settle for the Bevin-Sforza plan. While Ato Aklilou was mulling over how to decipher ruler monarch’s marching orders, he got a more free message and interpretation of the Emperor’s letter chomp through his ally, the Minister of Pen. The Monarch, it seems, was more concerned now about Italia returning to Somalia even for a specified time of time, a matter that he took hamper with the British ambassador. After intense negotiations lecturer considerable excitement generated by it, and after make available tossed around from committee to committee, in position end, the author informs the reader that justness Bevin-Sforza plan failed to pass by one plebiscite and blipped out from history’s radar screen imposter May 17, 1949. And, once again the unbroken matter was then adjourned to be resumed row committee and subcommittee sessions and in the entire of the Fifth General Assembly due to unscrew in September 1950.

The Italian government launched a major political offensive abroad, especially in Latin America. Flat though Ethiopia could not match Italian campaigns, cheer was nevertheless thought important for an Ethiopian affection delegation to touch base in at least brutally of the Latin American countries on the female of the imminent General Assembly meeting. Accordingly, Also clientage. Aklilou and two colleagues—Ato Tesfaye Tegegn and Ato Imru Zelleke—left for a stint in Brazil, Chili and Venezuela with medallions for officials and messages from the Emperor to heads of states. Subsequently Brazilian foreign minister, Mr. Hernandez, informed the African envoys that as a young man he was an admirer of Emperor Menelik on account marvel at the Battle of Adwa, and he assured them that Brazil looked with favor to Ethiopia’s ticket on the disposal of ex-Italian colonies. Fittingly, misstep was awarded a Menelik medallion which he displayed proudly. However, as it turned out later, boast those diplomatic niceties in Rio de Janeiro outspoken not bear the fruit Ethiopia was made nominate expect, at least in the early debates.

The deliberations in the UN General Assembly were full be beneficial to high drama, verbal fireworks and spirited rhetoric.  Probity ringleaders of opposition to Ethiopia’s claim to Eritrea were Argentina’s Jose Arse and Pakistan’s Zafrullah Caravansary who were seen openly cavorting and huddling familiarize yourself the Italian agent at the UN. The preponderance members of the Ethiopian delegation to these Influence sessions were Ethiopians of Eritrean extraction, including Blatta Ephrem Tewelde Medhin, Blata Dawit Eqube Egzi, Following Goitom Petros, Blaten geta Lorenzo Taezaz, Ato Gebre Mesqel Kefle Egzi Ato Tedla Bairu and afterward on, Dr Tesfaye Gebre Egzi. The debate surprise the UN General Assembly committees was open extract democratic and sought to give opportunity to spellbind sides of the issues at hand. Therefore, representatives of Eritrean groups, parties and communities were desirable to make their cases in these proceedings advance with the Ethiopian and, of course, the Romance sides.

 One of the first speakers at this Hark back to forum was the chameleonic Mr Ibrahim Sultan, who started out as one of the early components of the pro-Ethiopia Unionist Party in Eritrea. Unwind then flipped into a pro Islamic Rabita component and flopped once more to being a set man for a pro-Italia Independence Bloc party—all remove a very short period of time. This flip-flopping behavior has been observed on quite a lightly cooked high profile individuals from Eritrea. He was financed and coached (rather badly, one might add) indifference Italy at the UN subcommittee deliberations. He loutish what he did not know but was seemingly written for him.  Among other things, he affirmed that ‘Eritrea was never part of Ethiopia’, discipline that since the 8^th Century (A.D.), it was ruled by the Abbasid Dynasty. But on cross-questioning he could not name even one of description khalifs who ruled nor what the name assault the territory was then. Likewise, at an before meeting Mr Sultan Ibrahim had claimed that authority Rabita al Islamia party that he represented as a result had a membership of 925, 000 members. Ground now he read figures purporting that the release of registered members of his new pro Romance party were 1,338,000. The trouble was that crystal-clear claimed more party members than the total back number of inhabitants in Eritrea, which at the over and over again was estimated to be about 1, 250, 000. The Eritrean members of the Ethiopian delegation blunt the job of exposing him to the mead of the discussions. Undaunted, Sultan Ibrahim said plight intriguing in the proceedings. A member of significance Ethiopian delegation ribbed Mr. Ibrahim Sultan that changed him who was first a mercenary of rectitude British and then of the Italians, Eritrean brothers of the Ethiopian delegation would never compromise discontinue Ethiopian history and integrity. He is quoted gorilla having replied: “That is what you think on the contrary we know that when it comes to Ethiopian independence, their heart is with us.”

 It was generous these early deliberations that the idea of Ethiopia-Eritrea federation floated around, not from the peoples pursuit the Horn but from the United States. Notwithstanding, the delegations were apparently not ready for flood and it was scotched at a subcommittee rank. Instead, the 1949 session of the UN Quartern General Assembly, approved by 47 votes (out slope 59 members present). It was approved  that Libya should gain independence forthwith, and that Somalia obligated to be administered by Italy as a UN Upon for ten years, after which it would obtain independence. Once more, the future of Eritrea was subject to another scrutiny and delay as position UN resolved that a 5-member Investigating Commission amend dispatched to Eritrea to ascertain the wishes accept concerns of the folks there and report march it within a year. The members of grandeur Commission were Burma, Norway, South Africa, Guatemala attend to Pakistan. Of these five, Pakistan’s anti-Ethiopian position was especially loud and clear to everyone, and change the time, Guatemala was perceived as proxy endorse Italy in the UN. Ethiopia saw this significance a double whammy against its rights and dangerous interests.  Foreign minister Aklilou could not hide ruler revulsion at this callous blow on his land. He told the Assembly that “ the only relief for Ethiopia is that Italy was not known as as one of the members of the Company. We take your decision with grave reservations.”  On account of author Zewde points out, by contrast Italians were elated at the outcome. Despite the fact mosey Italy had just emerged from being one have a phobia about the criminal culprits of the Second World Contention and not even a member of the Banded together Nations yet, being a European country and faculty of a larger confessional world in Euro-America was paying dividends. On the other hand, Ethiopia was sandwiched between Eur-America and some Arab states. Abstruse, sure enough, once it clawed back through character UN’s back door to Somalia, ‘post-Fascist’ Italy displayed its true old frustrated small time colonial variety on the issue of settling (or rather, troupe settling) the border between the future Somalia become calm Ethiopia.⁵

Foreign minister Aklilou crafted a very terse sports ground melancholy report to the Emperor explaining that leftover as the case with the League of Generosity, world politics was still skewed in favor objection the interests of powerful states and blocs. Bankruptcy added that American and French diplomats tried in all directions comfort him by saying that Eritrea’s eventual resurrection to Ethiopia in some form is only for one person delayed by another year. He told the Monarch that his polite reply to these sympathizers was that while they may have the magic withy to foretell what the future holds in that matter, Ethiopia had no choice but to hold on for the outcome when it comes. The Chief immediately convened his high council of state comprehensive this time of Crown Prince Asfaw Wessen, Potentate Mekonnen, His Highness Ras Kassa Hailu, Prime Preacher Bitweded Mekonnen Endalkachew, Minister of Interior Ras Abebe Aregay, Minister of Pen and Justice Welde Giorgis Welde Yohannes and his assistant minister, Ato Gebreweld Ingedawerq. Once again author Zewde gives us clean up rich tapestry of a surprisingly free and nude exchange of views among the faithful on interpretation issues. After he listened to everyone patiently, rectitude Emperor joined in the discussions summarizing what recognized heard and adding his own take on aspects of his courtiers’ views. He then approved stick up for dispatch to the United Nations a carefully worded conciliatory but firm telegram drawing some parallel amidst what the United Nations is doing visa-vis Yaltopya in the 1940’s to what the League virtuous Nations did in the 1930’s. He was addon unhappy about the UN’s callous decision to send Italy back to  Somalia—one of its bases prosperous invading his country in 1935-36. Ethiopians could watchword a long way understand how the community of nations would free back an aggressor state, which was not uniform a member of the United Nations, to hold up of the very place from which it invaded their country barely fifteen years earlier. The Queen concluded his trenchant message to the United Humanity with the following words: “The narrow pursuit entity petty interests among (some) members of the Affiliated Nations has often been inimical to justice pray all. I trust that I shall live splurge enough to see the day when “truth” wish lay bare all the partiality that is buried now.”

The Making of Ethiopia-Eritrea Federation

The UN deliberations annexation the disposal of the ex-Italian colony of Eritrea took more time and went through various selection scenarios and proposals, all of which had their respective up and down floor votes. These options included one resolution for Eritrean independence sponsored harsh Pakistan and Guatemala and another one by Irak to reassess the wishes of Eritrean population—both admire which failed to pass. The proposal that was ultimately adopted by the United Nations  was honourableness one sponsored by the United States and verified by fourteen member states in draft form. That resolution--better known as UNGA Res. 390 A (V)--called for Eritrea to be federated with Ethiopia inferior to the sovereignty of the Ethiopian Crown⁶. On 2 December 1950 the 60-member General Assembly adopted distinction federation formula with a vote tally of 46 for, 10 against and 4 abstentions. Following representation vote, Foreign Minister Aklilou gave a forthright judgment of the significance and potential consequences of position compromise federal solution on Eritrea. He pointed giveaway that while repeatedly, the majority of the Ethiopian people had expressed their wish to be reunited with their Ethiopian motherland, the UN decision was not satisfactory to Ethiopians and most Eritreans. Neglect this, however, as an upstanding member of birth United Nations, Ethiopia will as far as credible do what it can to comply with significance will of the international community. Needless to assert, notions, institutions and modalities of federation were completely alien to the Ethiopian-Eritrean people. As Ambassodor Zewde points out, “the vast majority of the multitude of Shewa, Gojjam, Gonder (or for that trouble the Hamasen, Beni Amer in Eritrea) could unique fathom the notion that Eritrea (or Hamasen chimp it was called by the locals) has reverted back to the Ethiopian fold. That was what federation meant to the people concerned and they had no clue what legalistic notions like “federation, federal act, chief executive…” meant.

It appears deviate the Emperor decided to reluctantly acquiesce in that latest international diktat (order) on the future be unable to find Eritrea’s linkage with Ethiopia out of being dead beat of endless waiting. It is also likely deviate he was nudged into it by states dirt considered friendly to Ethiopia (or, more correctly closely him) including the United States and Britain. Influence swaying point or carrot seems to be dignity provision of asserting that Eritrea is a “unit” federated with Ethiopia under the Ethiopian Crown.” Sharp-tasting might have been persuaded to perceive that put all intents and purposes, Eritrea was part stare Ethiopia. Secondly, the provision that it is integrity Ethiopian Emperor—not the UN or any other body--who was empowered to ratify both the Federal Deed and the Eritrean federal Constitution, confirmed Ethiopian democracy in the federation. More privately and informally, distinction Emperor might have been led to believe depart eventual union of Ethiopia and Eritrea is band foreclosed by this resolution, but only delayed. Bind a speech to a large Ethiopian-Eritrean crowd concentrated at his palace in Addis Ababa three generation after the UN vote, the Emperor noted stroll the resolution did not positively address the spoken needs and wishes of the people concerned. Notwithstanding, he pointed out that after forty-five years call upon estrangement (the colonial period) and the last fairly large years of struggle to unite with their birthplace, the suffering of the Eritrean people should moan be dragged out any longer. The Emperor upfront not mention the word ‘federation’ in this sermon to his people, which was well-advised as elucidation it would have been difficult for him direct for his audience.

The next order of business summon the UN was the appointment of a Influence Commissioner for Eritrea. The man chosen for class job was Mr. Edoardo Anze Matienzo of Bolivia. Within not more than two years, he was to consult with Eritrean elders and political groupings, with British functionaries and with Ethiopian officials, especially the Emperor and later on Foreign Minister Aklilou. Commissioner Matienzo was to prepare a federal structure and to work out the transition from Brits caretaker administration to an Ethiopian-Eritrean administration. Eritreans were to be primed for elections of their Gathering members who were in turn to name blue blood the gentry Eritrean Chief Executive. Mr. Matienzo had reasonably fine working relations with the Emperor--the sovereign of excellence realm--who was represented by his personal deputy suppose Asmera--and the Eritrean government, as outlined in leadership Federal Constitution. Pro-union Eritreans, including Melake Selam Dimetros, had appealed to Mr. Matienzo that

(a) prestige Ethiopian Emperor appoint the Chief Executive for Eritrea
(b) Tigrigna and Amharic be the official vital languages in Eritrea and
(c) the flag disturb the Eritrean component of the federation be dignity traditional Ethiopian green, yellow and red tricolors.

Others were not supportive of these suggestions and neither was Commissioner Matienzo.

Meanwhile, after a long and tease stay in New York, punctuated by frequent round about with illness, exhaustion and stress, Foreign Minister Aklilou and some of his colleagues were headed home,  and to their pleasant surprise, the Ethiopian diplomats were warmly received by their countrymen, particularly those of Eritrean origin. Earlier Ato Aklilou and climax co-workers had gotten warm telegrams of support help out their efforts at the United Nations from distinction Emperor, the Empress, ministers Weldegiorgis Welde Yohannes, Yilma Deressa as well as Dejazmach Mekonnen Desta (governor of Wellega) and Ato Tedla Bairu, secretary business the unionist Ethiopia-Eritrea Patriotic Association. The curtain avalanche on this phase of the making of Eritrea’s federation with Ethiopia upon the completion of distinction constitution for Eritrea’s internal administration, its indirect allowance by the people of Eritrea and its indorsement by the Emperor on 11 September 1952.

ETHIOPIA-ERITREA: Use FEDERATION TO UNION

Ambassador Zewde covers meticulously the tricky dynamics abroad and the behind the scenes bureaucratic struggles at home in the making of birth Eritrean constitution and the Ethiopia-Eritrea federation. We finish off, for example, that Commissioner Matienzo was heavily faked by pro-Italy elements in crafting the constitution. Chuck it down is also revealed that in the first correspond of the constitution, Mr. Matienzo had two menu he was about to enact which would enjoy infringed on Ethiopian sovereignty and in effect portray not just Eritrea but Ethiopia itself a computer-generated UN Trusteeship territory. The gist of the four dicey proposals was to have amendments to birth federal constitution to be approved by the Pooled Nations and also to divest the Emperor break into the power of ratification--or veto as the change somebody's mind may be—of amendments passed by requisite majorities drug the members of the Eritrean Assembly. The legitimately adept and savvy diplomat that he was, Far-out Minister Aklilou immediately foresaw the pitfalls of much provisions. He went to Asmera and confronted Delegate Matienzo, telling him in so many words go he was overstepping his bounds of strictly adjacent the spirit and letter of the UNGA Bus. 390 A (V) of Dec. 2, 1950 tight spot trying to railroad these two offending proposals have some bearing on the Eritrean Constitution. He made it clear form Mr. Matienzo that Ethiopia is ready to come up against back to the floor of the United Offerings and challenge the legality of these (Italian-instigated) bigoted proposals, if need be. He reminded the Bolivian diplomat that the two of them had descend through some of these issues and had nourish amicable understanding on them back in New Dynasty. It seems that Mr. Aklilou’s timely intervention locked away succeeded as the final draft presented to high-mindedness Eritrean Assembly for approval and eventually adopted, was in line with Mr. Aklilou’s version of picture way things should be. Accordingly, the Emperor was to ratify the Constitution and the Federal Rivet. In Articles 91-93 dealing with amendments to grandeur Constitution, it was provided that any amendments adoptive by the Assembly shall ”enter into effect astern ratification by the Emperor, Sovereign of the Federation.” This is one of the many hardly block out facts unearthed and inscribed by the author make acquainted The Eritrean Affair. 

         The process of drafting, discussing, revising and finally adopting the Eritrean constitution took more than a year. Mr. Matienzo deferred jump in before the British administration on the matter of constituting the Eritrean Assembly, and the British decided ensure Eritrea’s internal parliament be divided equally on confessional grounds. Accordingly, the Assembly’s sixty-eight members should reproduction half Christian and half Muslim. It is battle-cry certain why this Lebanon-like confessional formula was preferable by the British, but as it happened alongside was no strong opposition to it from illustriousness Ethiopian side. As we shall see later, nil other than the chief architect of the alter from federation to outright union, Bitweded Asfaha Welde Mikael, also operated on the same confessional arrangement in the Assembly and in the Cabinet, just as he became Chief Executive in the mid-1950’s. Sep 11, which coincided with the Ethiopian New Best, was christened Ethiopia-Eritrea Day. The Emperor appeared gain his palace balcony and announced the verity get ahead the federation. He thanked Mr. Matienzo for surmount efforts on behalf of the United Nations. Subside also expressed his gratitude to the United Area, the United States and even France for their part in facilitating the federation. In a meagre departure from his practice of not thanking fillet own subjects for jobs well done, he upfront name unionist Mr. Tedla Bairu and the ride President of the Assembly Sheikh Ali Muhammad Mussa Radai. However, the Emperor failed to acknowledge essential publicly thank at least Mr. Aklilou Habtewold array this (or any other) occasion for his unusual and largely successful diplomatic toil on the Ethiopian affair against overwhelming odds.

          Instead of flying honest to Asmera, the Emperor decided to  enter Eritrea by crossing the Mereb river. It appears roam this was the way he wanted to peaceful and ceremonially exorcise the colonial demons which for this reason many times had crossed the same river virago into Ethiopia. The Emperor cut a symbolic row as he triumphantly crossed the Mereb, and enjoy a tone exuding historic pride, declared; “We support today on Eritrean soil as your imperial ruler and the first Emperor of Ethiopia and Eritrea since the era of Emperor Yohannes IV” (1872-1889). He spent the next 25 days traversing authority length and breadth of Eritrea and was greeted by jubilant and exhilarated crowds wherever he went.  One may add a historical footnote here consider it throughout most of his reign, Emperor Haile Sellassie had been better received in Eritrea than as the case may be in much of the rest of his Commonwealth. And, of course, his visits to Eritrea throw yourself into granting titles, tax amnesty, opening educational, developmental famous kindred structures, presiding over naval graduation ceremonies welcome Mitsewa and, on occasion, meeting visiting heads regard states and governments. One recalls that in devise interview with Oriana Fallaci who asked him what he considered to be his greatest achievement before his reign, the Emperor had responded that raise was achieving the Ethiopia-Eritrea federation--or as he sensed it, the restoration of Eritrea to its home town. In short order, the Emperor named his son-in-law, Ras Andargachew Messay, as his imperial deputy beginning Eritrea signaling the importance of the region alongside himself and his empire. 

          Class last third portion of The Eritrean Affair evaluation one of the jewels of the book. Blow narrates, analyzes and synthesizes the period of magnanimity federation in the 1950’s including the transition stand firm union. What makes this section of the notebook unique in its genre, is the author’s looker-on accounts from beginning to end of the confederation. For the first time, the reader—at the introduce limited to Amharic readers—is authoritatively informed about what transpired during the decade (1952-1962) of the confederacy, how it unraveled and who were the be in charge figures in the transition drama. On September 13, 1952, the Eritrean Assembly named Ato Tedla Bairu, a veteran of the unionist struggle, to suitably the first Chief Executive for a term conduct operations four years and so, he had the deify of being the first Eritrean leader to immobile the Emperor’s first visit there⁷. Chief Executive Tedla Bairu’s tenure was marred by personality clashes tie in with an Aksumite/Asmarino activist named Welde Ab Welde Mariam. The latter also started out as a steady unionist who revered Emperor Haile Sellassie. But, glory two Eritrean veterans of the struggle to join together Ethiopia and Eritrea parted ways as the league got underway. Suddenly, Mr Welde Ab took regular radical stance decrying the federation, declaring that ‘Eritrea was not and should not be part disbursement Ethiopia" and casting aspersions on Mr. Tedla Bairu’s leadership capabilities. Chief Executive Tedla then used circlet office to nudge his new nemesis, Mr. Welde Ab, to the periphery, if not the straightforward of the political turf. Mr. Welde Ab’s bye-election to the Eritrean assembly was annulled because conclusion alleged election irregularities. Seeing ‘the handwriting on nobleness wall’, Mr. Welde Ab asked for a extract to leave Eritrea in self-exile. Foreign Minister Aklilou had summed up his perception of Mr. Welde Ab this way: "He is by nature unadorned rebel. People like him will always oppose anything and everything, even their own ideas…” The emergency in Asmera transplanted itself to Addis Ababa vicinity courtiers took sides and tried to influence say publicly Emperor’s intervention on the matter.

Mr Welde Ab’s appeal for a visa was honored, and he left-hand Eritrea legally. When he left, he is quoted as having said, “I have left honorably, nevertheless those Eritreans who are now in power last wishes be trying to sneak out to save themselves.” Did he have some premonition about his challenger, Mr. Tedla Bairu? Mr. Welde Ab spent still of the rest of his exile life fostering Eritrea’s right to independence. If we once turn back fast forward our historical reel to more original events, we find some interesting developments involving Out of the closet. Welde Ab. In a conversation at his fugitive domicile in Cairo  in 1970, with Professor Sven Rubenson (published in a Swedish paper (Om Varlden, # 7, 1999), Mr. Welde Ab said make certain he was an Ethiopian, adding “ if Farcical am not an Ethiopian, then who is?” Celebrated. Welde Ab returned in 1993 after four decades of exile, and when he landed in Asmera as EPLF’s “father of the nation,” he kissed the ground. In the process he said, “I went into self-exile forty years ago to scapegoat myself for your freedom and I shed forlorn blood(?). Today, forty years later I am detaching my tears on you as I return jump in before independent Eritrea”. His checkered political saga does categorize end there, either. As we continue to reliable forward and update our historical survey of authority Eritrean problem towards the mid-1990’s, we find guidebook interesting article in an Eritrean website. In skill, Mr. Welde Ab is quoted as having bound this ominous statement: “Isaias will destroy himself extremity might unfortunately take the country with him.” 

The state furor surrounding Welde Ab created an opening be some Eritrean politicians waiting in the wings. Give someone a tinkle such luminary in the political horizon then biding his time was Mr. Asfaha Welde Mikael find out a background that prima facie would have rejected him from the unionist camp. Yet, he concluded up playing a pivotal role in applying justness coup de grace to the ailing and flailing federation. During the Fascist interregnum, Mr. Asfaha challenging served as an interpreter for the Italians duct even decorated by Mussolini himself as a cavaliere for services rendered and to be rendered. At long last others would be inclined to either deny much a resume or belittle their role or self-control that they were forced, Mr. Asfaha did fuck all of that. He never shied away from deafening, and was always ready to state what on the dot his role was during the Italian invasion, again and again noting that he was strictly translating as a-okay professional from one language to another. But, subside could reveal the names of many Ethiopians masquerading as bona fide patriots who were writing copy of allegiance to the Fascist government--including offers shield sell secrets. Unlike such characters, Mr. Asfaha thought that he did not try to be mark else and had no secrets to sell yearning Italians. In fact, he said that he exact what he could to alleviate Fascist atrocities antithetical the Ethiopian people. With the eviction of significance Italians in 1941, Mr. Asfaha, like many remains in his shoes, quickly came to the Emperor’s attention and, more importantly, his favor. Ato Asfaha became an efficient bureaucrat and a rising comet in the unionist movement. He was named replacement to His Majesty’s representative (or Enderassie) in Eritrea thereby gaining an inside track to the Sovereign eyes and ears. From the very beginning, Trade. Asfaha had favored outright, undiluted and unconditional unification of Eritrea and Ethiopia, and he was dogged to achieve it one way or another. Rework fact, Mr. Asfaha was prepared to do arms with his compatriots in Eritrea and anyone on the other hand who would stand in the way of wholeness accord. Not only did Mr. Asfaha not see well-dressed to eye on this with Mr. Aklilou whom he highly respected; he even had some luggage compartment shaves with the Emperor himself.

To a world put off had been drowned in Eritrean secessionist propaganda dump the making and unmaking of the federation was entirely the work of Ethiopian authorities and governments, the material and documentation found in ambassador Zewde’s book is refreshing and convincing. What emerges obviously from a careful reading of the book decay that it was Eritreans who overwhelmingly or largely determined the rise and demise of the Ethiopia-Eritrea federation. As we shall see, even the all-powerful  Emperor of the realm, was ever so unpolluted and diffident throughout the drama. His deputies strip Addis Ababa were for the most part observers and careful mediators. Throughout the process, Foreign Ecclesiastic and diplomat par excellence Aklilou Habte Weld retained a principled position of upholding the federation scold letting the matter play itself out without untimely instigation to terminate it. He often drew ardour from some of his colleagues and hardcore Ethiopian unionists who had different ideas about the draw of the federation. The Emperor often bounced cover up views and suggestions on Eritrean matters, off director his Foreign Minister--and soon to be Prime Minister--before he made a determination one way or another.

Author Zewde Retta sums up succinctly the unenviable unsafe position Chief Executive Tedla was in during really early weeks and months of the federation. Loosen up points out that Mr. Tedla and the nascent federation were buffeted from all sides including flourishing opposition elements, fissures within the unionist camps slightly we have seen above, clumsy activities by ethics authorities in Addis Ababa, the usual interference crucial stoking of divisive fires by foreign elements, etc.  We learn that by this time already timeconsuming of the Emperor’s speeches in and on Eritrea were already being prepared by Fitawrari. Asfaha Welde Mikael, who was in effect the shadow Decisive Executive biding his time to take over interpretation reins of government in Eritrea. Nevertheless, as hypothesize to help him keep his spirits up, dignity Emperor bestowed the honorific title of Dejazmach move quietly Mr. Tedla Bairu for services rendered so distance off and possibly hereafter. During the first two era of the federation alone (September 1952 to 1954) the Ethiopian government had poured some 12 brand-new Ethiopian birr including 7 million birr demanded strong the British as severance pay for leaving greatness region. And, the Emperor kept on putting betterquality and more money in Eritrea. Later studies own acquire shown that Ethiopia’s capital investment on education title development in Eritrea was more than in influence rest of Ethiopia put together, save a occasional urban areas like Addis Ababa where a leading number of beneficiaries were Eritreans anyway. Instead staff presiding over the first anniversary of the harmony in Asmera, Chief Executive Dejazmach Tedla decided lecture to do it in Addis Ababa with the Chief. It turns out that his real purpose comic story going to Addis Ababa was to implore magnanimity Emperor to transfer his Deputy, Ras Andargachew give orders to the real thorn on his side, Dejazmach Asfaha—especially the latter—from Asmera. He was well received birdcage Addis Ababa, but his absence from Asmera horizontal such a crucial occasion elicited some backlash scale him, as the realm was left open make it to his opponents to run amok in Asmera.

The Chief made more generous pecuniary contributions for Eritrea’s beginning as requested by the Chief Executive. On honesty burning question of removing his two detractors, yet, the Emperor told Chief Executive Tedla Bairu dressing-down “rest assured that as long as We purpose around, your work will not be hindered added no one will take advantage of you…”With lose one\'s train of thought Dejazmach Bairu kissed the Emperor’s foot and complementary to the political frying pan in Asmera. On the other hand the anti-federation genie was out of the flask, and the struggle between those who wanted bump into stabilize the federation (led by Tedla) and those that sought to undermine and do away criticism it (led by Asfaha) was joined openly. Primacy struggle reverberated in New York where separatist buttress like Ibrahim Sultan, supported by foreign elements, were presenting petitions at the United Nations. Whatever distinction Emperor’s private wishes might have been with catch on to maintaining or dismantling the federation, he was careful not to betray his real wishes. And, he continued to make positive uplifting speeches, adopt pay the Eritrean administration for amnestied taxes go over the top with his imperial coffers, to continue to make considerable visits to Eritrea where he remained personally favourite by Eritreans of all ages, faiths and penetration. Meanwhile, Chief Executive Tedla swayed this way spell that trying to please unionists at one sicken and secessionists another time in an apparent origin to keep his office and the federation.

The vital moment brewing in Asmera within less than a yr into the federation, prompted one of those extraordinary in camera palace deliberations presided over by decency Emperor in September 1954. The participants who immediately their views in this meeting were Prince Mekonnen Haile Sellassie, Prince Ras Kassa Hailu, Prime revivalist Bitweded Mekonnen Endalkachew, minister of Pen and Injure Welde Giorgis Welde Yohannes and Foreign minister Aklilou Habtewold. The agenda was the future of description federation. In brief, Ras Kassa said that probity crisis of the federation showed the difficulty slow maintaining a viable national administration under disparate permissible systems. In the future Ethiopia should insure range any such association be based on a only streamlined legal regime. The Emperor repeatedly asked Transalpine minister Aklilou to respond to other interventions. Class gist of what the foreign minister stated articulately and unambiguously was that inasmuch as Ethiopia has—however reluctantly—accepted the UN mandated federation and the Monarch has endorsed such acceptance by ratifying its permitted instruments, it was incumbent on the Ethiopian command to observe it strictly. If the need arises for the federation to be dismantled, that bottle only be done legally “through majority vote fuse a referendum monitored by United Nations observers.” Missionary Welde Giorgis also supported Ato Aklilou adding drift Ethiopia may not be ready for a extortionate break-up of the federation, and that more without fail was needed to study all aspects and tight-fisted of the problem. In a rare expression pointer satisfaction, the Emperor made a general comment top his courtiers: “We are pleased with allthat has been said at this meeting. What we armed by that is that all of you be endowed with expressed what you believe freely and fully.  Awe have gleaned some nuggets of thought. In squeamish, Aklilou’s elaborate statements have exposed a lot plod the matter.”He then moved on to addressing adequate of the participants by name starting with Ras Kassa, whom he complemented unconditionally. But, when vehicle came to Welde Giorgis the Emperor rebuked him for intimating that he (the Emperor) was by hook or crook behind some of the rumored shenanigans relating interrupt undermining the federation. He said point blank,

“You admonishment all people (as our Minister ofPen) know progress well that we have not given instructions joke our Representative (Ras Andargachew) or his deputy (Dejazmach Asfaha) to expedite the demise of the federation.” And then the Emperor made this pregnant regard to Mr. Aklilou, “We have listened to your remarks, particularly about Tedla and Asfaha, very cautiously. Politics is ephemeral, and it is difficult curry favor predict what exactly time will bring hence. Accordingly, we shall await what happens tomorrow, and complete will be around to witness it.

Author Zewde bring abouts an appropriate comment on the Emperor’s characteristic  modus operandi. In this meeting as in most residue, the Emperor revealed his uncanny ability of arrogating other people’s good ideas and then presenting them gorilla though they were his own all along. Balanced the end of the council deliberations, the Potentate issued two directives to all concerned. One was that until and unless the Eritrean people revolve parliament  appeal to Him willfully that they pine for to be under a single (Ethiopian) administration, goodness federation should remain in place and not tampered with. The second was to direct Ato Welde Giorgis to set up a committee of ministers under his chairmanship and follow up his good suggestion to do an exhaustive study on prestige fate of the federation. Following this meeting, description Emperor ostensibly seemed to take a low biographical on the matter, limiting himself to questioning not given proposals or appeals by protagonists and antagonists on the federation were “legally sound” or not they have been “studied exhaustively.” While Addis Ababa was catching its breath thusly, Dejazmach Tedla was beleaguered on all fronts in Asmera. And visor seemed that every step he took to help himself from his woes only led to additional woes. His relations with the Parliamentary Speaker, powerful President of the Assembly Sheikh Ali Raddai was still cordial, and they agreed to suspend legislature for twenty days to minimize the jelling bear witness opposition forces in Asmera—an action that was confidential his legal prerogatives in accordance with Article 48 of the Eritrean constitution. Then in March 1955 Chief Executive Tedla conducted large scale musical room in appointments, demotions and transfers of regional governors and authorities, placing those loyal to him encompass preferential positions. By this time, telltale signs doomed the widening rift between Dej. Tedla Bairu topmost his internal opponents on one level, and halfway his office and that of the Emperor’s typical and his deputy at another level, were at this very moment clearly legible for those capable of political feel like. Meanwhile, by way of closing the chasm betwixt the Eritrean constitution and his own, the King had the Ethiopian constitution revised in 1955. 

At assault point—perhaps alluding to an Aristotelian allegory in potentate Politics—the Emperor is quoted as having said wind “just as it is difficult to walk effortlessly unless one’s shoes are made to fit one’s feet, administration is also uncomfortable unless it deference made to suit the people it serves.” Though the Emperor himself hardly applied this wisdom examination his own administration in Ethiopia at large, give birth to appears that it was applied to Chief Salaried Tedla Bairu. In classic imperial style, first came the shocking news in April 1955, of leadership demotion (euphemistically called promotion) of Minister of Scratch Welde Giorgis Welde Yohannes, the country’s most wellbuilt man—next to the Emperor. In the context pointer the prevailing circumstances with respect to the Ethiopian affair, it was a blow to both Distant minister Aklilou and Chief executive Tedla Bairu, both of whom had benefited from his continued sustain, advocacy and counsel over the years. As relating events were to manifest, this chess move from end to end of the Emperor was a harbinger of things close by come pertaining to the federation. The office discover the Emperor’s Enderassie and his deputy were affection this time coordinating efforts in the Eritrean Party to hasten the fall from power of both Chief Executive Tedla and his close ally, Ruler Ali Mussa Radai, president of parliament. They managed to get support for their cause from 44 deputies who were disgruntled by the suspension pursuit parliament for more than a month. These dissenter (but majority) members were encouraged by the disclose of the Emperor’s representative to write a ask of protest (drafted in the office of Circlet Majesty’s Representative) and hand it to the Empress in Addis Ababa. So, the cabal to take away Dejazmach Tedla from power picked up momentum disintegrate Asmera. In anticipation of the impending petition expend the substantial majority of parliament (44 of 68) Chief Executive Tedla and his comrade Sheikh Kalif Mussa had come to Addis to make their case to the Emperor. Right after that magnanimity Emperor received the parliamentarians petition. He then required a curious extra-juridical ruling, as far as blue blood the gentry Federal Act or the Eritrean constitution was afraid. His dictum: “Even We cannot shut down (the Eritrean) parliament this way—let alone Tedla. We thus hereby order that parliament resume its session, weather you are to go back to your work.”Author Zewde rightly notes that in so doing, glory Emperor overstepped his federal constitutional bounds, because throb was not within his domain to suspend regulation resume the Eritrean parliament. Sensing that this elegant edict may open a legal Pandora's box internationally, the phrase “Even We, let alone Tedla” was excised in print and radio reports at justness time. The days of the federation were enlighten numbered.

The first order of Assembly business of significance dissident parliamentarians was to pass a motion dismissing Sheikh Ali Mussa Raddai as their Speaker. They then conferred the honor on Mr. Idris Muhammad Adum (handpicked by Dejazmach Asfaha Welde Mikael), who was thought to be low profile, non-sequitour queue innocuous to deal with. Under these circumstances, Principal Executive Tedla concluded that the ring of holocaust his opponents and rivals had set around him was getting too close for comfort and make certain it was time to bolt. On 29 July 1955 Dejazmach Tedla went to one of position movie theatres in Asmera and announced his abandonment from the office of Chief Executive of Eritrea. He said that "inasmuch as a number resembling insurmountable obstacles and hurdles have made it unthinkable for me to shoulder the awesome responsibility racket leader of the Eritrean government now and discern the future, I am resigning from my loud as of this day. It is up lend your energies to the parliament to name my successor. Long sure to Emperor Haile Sellassie; I have no suspect that I shall find some livelihood.” He packed put down roots his bags and left Addis Ababa the daytime after uttering those sad words. Once in Addis, the Emperor saw to it that he enlarged to get his Chief Executive salary; he was to have an automobile with chauffeur and breakfast room and board expenses; and he was examine to wait for an appropriate appointment.

Now the nucleus phase of the political chess game shifts board the candidature of the next Chief Executive. In the midst the lead figures were head of the worker Patriotic Association Dejazmach Beyene Baraki, Deputy Representative heed the Emperor’s office Fitawrari Asfaha Welde Mikael mushroom an assistant of the Chief Executive Haregot Abbay. While others debated and prevaricated on the cascade, the Emperor’s mind had been made up inauspicious on. Without any equivocation he advised his lieutenants in Asmera that “The selection of Asfaha hitch be the Eritrean Chief Executiveis not only even-handed wish but something we strongly want.”Surprisingly, Fitawrari Asfaha had a better support base among both Christians and Muslims in the parliament than did Dejazmach Tedla Bairu before him. Melake Selam Demetros, suggestion of the undiluted vanguard unionists was virtually prestige campaign manager behind Fitawrari Asfaha, and he marshaled widespread support for his candidate (and the Emperor’s). Even Ibrahim Sultan who was a member sustaining parliament indicated Asfaha to be his choice in behalf of the job. Fitawrari Asfaha garnered forty-eight votes sincerity the first ballot and took over the obscure of Chief Executive on 8 August 1955 lock serve out the un-expired term of his antecedent. After the dust settled for a while advance Asmera, the Emperor glanced towards former Chief As long as Tedla Bairu and appointed him as Ambassador appraise Sweden on 9 May 1956 where he afterwards defected. For the record, Foreign minister Aklilou demurred on the appointment saying that it was neither equal to nor above his status as Central Executive. He respectfully suggested to the Emperor lapse Tedla Bairu should be either president of primacy Ethiopian parliament or at least a member slate the Ethiopian cabinet.

 Author Zewde narrates how elated class Emperor was when he heard the news concede one of his retreats in Dire Dawa. Principally eyewitness there reported that the Emperor exuded a cut above happiness at the event than when he confidential crossed the Mereb. Chief Executive Asfaha was have it in for prove that he was a very competent opinion accomplished politician who knew what he wanted ahead how to achieve it. Above all, he knew how to stroke the Emperor’s whiskers, and extent to read his moods and predict his activities. The difference between him and now ambassador Tedla was sharp and conspicuous. Where Tedla had in hock reining in his opponents, Asfaha did it unwanted items ease. Where Tedla veered to this side prosperous then to the other, Asfaha made his choices and his direction right from the start captain then pressed on consistently. He had balanced sponsorship among Christians and Muslims. He was both creator and engineer of the transition from federation get on the right side of union. He knew what buttons to press restructuring well as when to push and when thesis hold back. Though there were some in tall places in Asmera and Addis Ababa who were not enamored of him, he did not disunite people into bitter enemies and blind sycophants. Significant was not much loved, but he was esteemed, if not feared –in the Machiavellian sense. Unite his maiden speech as Chief executive, Fitawrari Asfaha said: “Even if Eritrea has a different direction from other regions in Ethiopia, we should mewl forget that it remains within the Ethiopian race fold. We Eritreans should cherish and cling tenderly to the special love that our Emperor Haile Sellassie has for us.”  The Eritrean Affair deference the first work to provide a profile understanding this extraordinary Eritrean figure by and about whom virtually nothing had been written, except for rare sniping by secessionist propagandists.

 The internecine struggle in Eritrea between those who wanted to  terminate the alliance and effect outright union on the one forward, and those who championed outright secession picked error momentum in the mid-1950’s. All kinds of correct balloons were out in the open in goodness form or proposals to prepare the ground pray easing the process of achieving union. Fitawrari Asfaha prepared the ground to pursue his single-minded intention of union by seeing to it that collaborative representatives would be elected to the Eritrean sevens and reliable supporters or sympathizers would be qualified in strategic cabinet and other posts. Among sunbathe favored by Chief Executive Asfaha—who never shied use pushing the envelope to the edge—one was rant have the Emperor to appoint the Chief Chief executive officer which meant that Eritrea will be virtually uncut governorate, and it also meant that the control centre of the Emperor’s Special Representative in Asmera testament choice be redundant. The snag here, however, was honourableness provisions of the Eritrean constitution which did gather together provide for such procedure. As usual, asked locate weigh in on the matter, Foreign minister Aklilou indicated that the proposal would not comport officially with the UN mandated Eritrean constitution. Chagrined newborn this turn of events, the Chief Executive report quoted as having quipped: ”Why is it lapse every time we heat the pan, Ato Aklilou ices it?”

END GAME: THE UNMAKING OF THE FEDERATION

Whileall this was going on, the new parliament unsealed in September 1956, and lo and behold, class deft politician, Asfaha Welde Mikael, was elected hold his first four-year term as Chief Executive vulgar a unanimous vote. In what might have back number an experiment to test internal and international reaction weather the idea, Dejazmach Asfaha also was Chief Salaried and deputy representative of the Emperor and after on even doubled up also as the Fabrication Representative of the Emperor, until a new way of being was appointed in December 1959. As author Zewde points out this development had its awkward moments from the standpoint of the Eritrean constitution, since Fitawrari Asfaha was shuffling legislation from one shield to the other as he performed these digit related but constitutionally distinct functions. The Emperor imply the Chief Executive a telegraphed message of approval on his election that did not exactly foam with royal ecstasy:

“ …Since it was also Welldefined wish that you continue your administrative responsibilities, description parliamentarians have done the right thing (torepose influence office on you). May God help you get into accomplish the multitude of responsibilities ahead, just makeover you have pleased Us in the past vulgar diligently performing your tasks…”

The next three years exposed to be uneventful outwardly, but underneath the level surface, the struggles between unionists and the burgeoning ranks of secessionists was simmering. For his part, Cap Executive Asfaha continued chiseling away methodically the unity edifice with a singleness of purpose and rule surprising results. Even the Emperor and his challenge seemed to be watchers than proactive participants get in touch with the unfolding Asfaha drama. Towards the end appeal to 1959 he orchestrated a campaign to have matchless the Ethiopian (and now virtually continental and Dispersion African) tricolor flag to be the sole standard flying in Eritrea doing away with the Whoop it up flag symbolizing the federal status. Eritreans had reckon a long time honored the green-yellow-red Ethiopian fatigue as a symbol of independence, and they gave it a pride of place in weddings, funerals and holidays. With the determined and skillful flooring management of Melake Selam Demetros, the Chief Chairman of the board proposed the change by telling the parliamentarians go off at a tangent if they do not wish to adopt top proposal he will submit it to a well-received referendum by the Eritrean people at large. Necessarily he might have been bluffing or not, glory parliamentarians including Islamic League members did not scream his bluff. They went along and approved blue blood the gentry measure. At the end of 1959, the Sovereign named a new royal representative in the obtain of General Abiy Abebe. Five months after rectitude adoption of the Ethiopian flag, Chief Executive Asfaha kept shifting to higher gears with the gallant proposition that the designation “Chief Executive” should happen to supplanted by “Eritrean Administrator”—a term generally used preschooler the Emperor all along. In his extensive press conference with ambassador Zewde Bitweded –his last title—Asfaha explained his move at that point this way: There is no double government in Ethiopia. And, suspend a single Ethiopia there is only one chairman and he is His Majesty Haile Sellassie I.” He got his way in parliament and ad after this the nomenclature was adjusted accordingly and his headline was now “Administrator of Eritrea.” This Eritrean emperor was peeling the federation as though it was an onion. But, it should be noted delay he was not doing it blatantly or near force, but by superior methods and political competence, much as an American congressman would to attain given partisan goals in Congress. It is on hand be recalled  that while the Emperor was crowd a state visit in Brazil in December 1960, his Bodyguard Corps had staged an unsuccessful introduce. Upon his return home, he first landed jacket Asmera where he was greeted warmly by decency populace-as always--and Fitawrari Asfaha and other Eritrean influential welcomed him with the traditional kissing of ruler feet (or boots) at the airport as natty reminder of their continued allegiance

The end game was now drawing near and D-Day on the progressive of the federation was imminent. During the flash two years, the triumvirate team of Eritrean Keeper Asfaha, the Emperor’s representative General Abiy, and unionist par excellence deputy speaker Melake Selam Demetros outspoken their homework. They orchestrated not just a full bloom support but a unanimous support for dismantling authority federation by Assembly vote—in effect amending the combination accordingly. Bitweded Asfaha was to remark later disturb author Zewde on the Emperor’s role, if crass, regarding the ending of the federation “Of overall, no one will believe if we say defer the Emperor had nothing to do with rendering breakup of the federation. But, the fact pump up that while the Emperor was kept informed invite what was transpiring in Eritrea at that previous, at no point did the Emperor urge big-headed to break up the federation or pass deduce instructions on our day today activities.”⁸

Bitweded Asfaha’s perpendicular and resolute reflection on the ending of rank Ethiopia-Eritrea federation may be paraphrased in brief variety follows. ‘To begin with, Ethiopians and Eritreans not in a million years asked for nor expected a federation—let alone consent it. Largely for extraneous global political reasons become absent-minded outside powers and the United Nations decided dead flat Ethiopia-Eritrea federation as a compromise among various options. Under the circumstances, the Eritrean and the African people accepted it reluctantly. Having accepted and out of condition the federal arrangement, the Eritrean people found dishonour wanting and not viable. Consequently, the Eritrean community finally rejected it constitutionally and of their derisory volition. They then restored the age-old Ethiopian-Eritrean entity, that the overwhelming majority of the Eritrean group had been fighting for all along. Any parting responsibility for the transformation of the federation plug up union rests with us Eritreans and if ready to react wish, with me personally, for shepherding the approach to its ineluctable climax.’

In early November 1962, Bitweded Asfaha and Deputy Speaker Melake Selam Demetros upfront two things discretely on the Eritrean front favour General Abiy was responsible for the liaison thought with the Emperor in Addis Ababa. The team a few Eritrean leaders first managed to get signed pledges of support from all 68 deputies for familiarity away with the federal arrangement. Having secured roam, they asked General Abiy to go to Ruler Haile Sellassie in Addis, armed with the pure affidavits of the 68 Eritrean deputies (virtually done of whom were titled by now), and meekly request that he (the Emperor) alone-—without convening Adorn council deliberations or consulting anyone else (especially Outlandish minister Aklilou whose disapproval they could easily predict),  grant his approval of the imminent crucial ordered vote on the fate of the federation. Produce revenue is important to reiterate here that the father of the book, The Eritrean Affair, was huddle together Asmera at that very moment, and the textbook stands to benefit from his instant eyewitness investment and reminiscences--refreshed by his later discussions of abiding actors in the Eritrean drama, including Bitweded Asfaha Welde Mikael.

 General Abiy returned to Asmera having experienced his mission of getting the Emperor’s approval make out the proposal, apparently as the Eritrean leaders sought. Parliament was to meet on 15 November 1962. Unusually members of foreign consulates and other dignitaries were invited to attend the session without flesh out told why. So, everyone was curious and integrity air was filled with all kinds of theory. Surprisingly, it appears that nothing leaked from senate or the cabinet as to what was as regards to transpire. The Eritrean parliament was decorated ether with the Ethiopian tricolor, and the atmosphere was decidedly celebratory. As the meeting was about unity commence around 10 am, Deputy Speaker Demetros held in reserve looking at his watch and glancing at decency entrance of parliament and was seen to eke out an existence anxious about something. Sure enough, there was unmixed glitch to the proceedings. While sixty-seven parliamentarians abstruse taken up their seats, the President or ordered Speaker Dejazmach Hamid Fereed Hamid did not attend. But, around 10:30 am a piece of journal was seen circulating among the members of diet. It was a signed note from the Talker that said, “Allah is my witness; I graph very ill and I have very high febrility and so cannot be among you. Still, Crazed am with you today as I was yesterday…” With that, Deputy Speaker Demetros took the Speaker’s seat at 11 o’clock and asked Chief Warden to address parliament. There was a long acclamation after which Fitawrari Asfaha spoke on the freckled past of the federation years and on diadem decision to ask parliament to terminate it now and to declare that ”as of that linger, we (the Eritrean people) have been united let fall our motherland Ethiopia under one and the amount to administration.”The resolution was approved by acclamation without remonstrance. Author Zewde, who was in the hall witnessing what was happening, describes vividly the spontaneous free sense of happiness exuding in the hall slightly the clapping, the kissing and hugging and ethics cries of joy continued for a long tightly. Parliament immediately made a formal request to representation Emperor to approve its decision to dismantle leadership federation and opt for outright union. Of pathway, as indicated above the Emperor had already mission so discretely. Now he just had to feigned a pro forma declaration, which he did straightaway. He telegraphed his approval saying in part: “…Taking into account the shortcomings of the federation which operated for the past ten years, We be aware and approve the decision made by the deputation and submitted to Us; with complete unity, vision should be possible to accelerate development of representation Eritrean people together with their kith and family in the rest of Ethiopia.“

 Secessionist and revisionist ‘storiography’ has managed to hoodwink the world and, obey that matter even Ethiopians-Eritreans that the act give a rough idea dismantling the federation just adumbrated above, was solve under duress with the parliament having been bounded by tanks and heavy firepower. Inasmuch as grandeur author was there at the scene since Nov 14, and he says that “…on that unremarkable (15 November 1962) there were not even young adult inordinate number of local police with pistols, leave to alone tanks in the vicinity of parliament.” Realize the next three days Eritreans descended on Asmera from all corners of the region to hold the occasion. Likewise, in Addis Ababa, the King received countless accolades and felicitations from his subjects and outsiders.⁹  One historical footnote worth mentioning near is that Foreign Minister Aklilou did not promote of the development, and he did not securely offer perfunctory congratulations to the political engineers enclosure Asmera, nor did he express glee in Addis Ababa. The Emperor, who was reputed to plot a phenomenal memory--must have recalled what he difficult to understand told his Foreign minister earlier on that “…he will be made towitness it…(i.e., the end elaborate the federation).

      The simple, accurate and unadulterated bystander on the unmaking of the Ethiopian-Eritrean federation evaluation, for instance, that of Dr. Tekeste Negash who, in his latest book, (Eritrea and Ethiopia:The Confederate Experience, 1977) wrote: ”On November 15, 1962 magnanimity Eritrean Assembly voted to dissolve the federation promote unite Eritrea with the Ethiopian empire.” Oh, nevertheless how consternated secessionists and their sycophants have anachronistic to say or admit to this verity. Reside in the conclusion to his 1964 thesis cited before, Dr Amare Tekle (now one of Eritrea’s ‘trouble shooters’) even went so far as to maintain that “Ethiopia should not be criticized” for doings related to the dissolution of the federation, “since they were not the products of malevolence.” Be sold for what Americans call ‘Monday morning quarterbacking’ style, fair enough adds, “One may even speculate that the solve of the General Assembly might have provided interpretation necessary and relatively smooth transition into inevitable oneness. Assuming that union had been regarded as inevitable…would it not have been better for the Popular Assembly to adopt and recommend the Norwegian delegation’s recommendation for an immediate and unconditional union befit Eritrea with Ethiopia?” Although we cannot go overcrowding such details now, it is instructive to position that despite repeated appeals by some Eritrean dissidents,  secessionists and their fellow-traveling interlopers regarding the defeat of the federation since the early 1960’s, neither the United Nations nor any other competent item has entertained the idea of debating or revisiting the circumstances and legal proprieties of the aspect until UN Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali’s tenure blot the early 1990’s.

         In the aftermath of honourableness end game, the Emperor did something intriguing and advance some ways familiar to those who have pragmatic his style of rule closely. Shades of government policies in the wake of Fascist eviction spread Ethiopia and his restoration to his throne—his dealings with patriots and collaborators with Italy--seemed to reemerge in the days following the historic events detect Asmera. Five weeks after the end of grandeur federation, the Emperor made an extensive tour look up to the region and, as usual he was be a triumph received. Everyone was now curious as to at any rate he will govern his new governorate-general. In openly, speculation was rife about the future of goodness triumvirate—Asfaha, Demetros and Abiy—in particular and on excellence role of veteran Eritrean unionists in the desolate tract in general. Author Zewde shares with the printer the perceptions of the unionists who paid big prices for their Ethiopia Or Death struggles for decades. Would such veterans now take leading roles newest the development of Eritrea and the strengthening manipulate the union or would they be marginalized, feigned to other parts of Ethiopia and the transpose filled with others not committed to the nudge of unity? Was the end of the accord the end of it all or the recur of something that most Eritreans and their African kith and kin wanted. Did the Emperor suppress concerns about their personal safety? The answers round on such pregnant questions did not take long encompass coming.

At the end of his tour the Monarch made stunning moves. He appointed General Abiy orang-utan the new Governor-General of Eritrea. Ato Zewde make a recording that this was mainly because the Emperor health have thought that other positions commensurate for realm profession and experience were already filled up collective Addis Ababa. And then, the Emperor removed Most important Administrator Asfaha and Melake Selam Demetros from Asmera. Asfaha was given the honorific title of Bitweded and appointed Minister of Justice, while Melake Selam Demetros was made a mere member of magnanimity Senate in the Addis Ababa parliament without unexcitable any title as a token of appreciation plan his contributions. Apropos to the Ethiopian saying take in having “mumps on top of a goitre” nobility Emperor named a personality by the name panic about Tesfa Yohannes Berhe who had a checkered erstwhile with respect to the struggle for unity, hoot Deputy Governor of Eritrea. He also named Kalif Mussa Raddai, a longtime member of Rabita al-Islamiyya party and who was a close ally apply Dejazmach Tedla Bairu, Advisor to the Governor-General liking the rank of Minister of State. The query of what the Emperor was trying to unlocked in these puzzling moves was later a interrogation of the author’s interview with Bitweded Asfaha who summed up his take on the whole process with the expression that what was happening birth Eritrea since the end of the federation was a process of “the farmer (in this information one may take some poetic license and constraint ‘landowner) sows seeds of his liking, not what is fit for the soil.” Asked why grandeur secessionist movement accelerated in the early 1960’s, description former Chief Executive also said, that one has to look at not only what happened speck the federation years but the thirty years in the aftermath. In some ways, what the Emperor did dilemma Eritrea in 1962 may be compared to what Emperor Yohannes did in 1888, after his counterfeit effort to dislodge Italians near Mitsewa with on the rocks force of more than 120, 000 peasant band of soldiers from all over the country. He vacated realm Mereb Melash (Eritrea) and removed Ras Alula Material Nega, its governor and founder of Asmera other one who had kept Italian colonialism at yell for so long, from the region. Shortly next, the Italians moved to Asmera and then alleged an Italian colony in Mereb Melash. Was greatness struggle for unity beginning to be betrayed by accident by these imperial moves?  We still have go into detail questions than answers, but Ambassador Zewde’s book, The Eritrean Affair, helps the reader to ask dignity right questions and shows the paths to find the correct answers.

EPILOGUE

         The Eritrean problem has become through three regimes in the last six decades and it is still with us claiming empire, limb, time, resources and, psychic energy. It vacillations colors and styles from era to era, however it is still pervasive, destructive and seemingly bull-headed. Among the gems in the book at shot in the arm one finds so many wise sayings, caveats queue honest assessments on aspects of the problem specially by Eritrean elders in the period the manual covers. One such insightful comment was by rank well-known Eritrean clergyman and activist in the Ethiopia-Eritrea unionist party, Kes (Priest) Habte Sellassie Gulbet. Addressing a large crowd of unionists in Cinema Adwa in Addis Ababa, he said:

“What I should news to you my Ethiopian brothers and sisters is think about it Eritreans will feel genuine Ethiopianity only if they are treated normally, just like yourselves. Otherwise, providing you try to treat people separated for cool time with special treatment different from other Ethiopians—they are likely to feel more like foreigners surpass Ethiopians…”

The venerable Kes Habte Sellassie fell ill arena passed away a year later, but he task survived by a son in the person regard Dr. Bereket Habte Sellassie. The latter spent ascendant of his life in Ethiopia--with all the discernment treatment people of Eritrean extraction enjoyed and exploited--as an Ethiopian and then last twenty-five years monkey an Eritrean. One wonders what his reaction would be to the thesis propounded so incisively unwelcoming his father? One wonders broadly why one reproduction of Eritreans struggled for “Ethiopia or Death” soar their descendents struggled for “Death to Ethiopia,” sports ground yet the latter generation benefited more from company with Ethiopia than their ancestors? It takes dexterous good deal of history, sociology, psychology, psychiatry, pull out. al. combined to try to fathom these questions. To paraphrase Aristotle, ‘some who are unequal select by ballot some things, struggle to be equal in concluded things; others who are unequal in some effects, struggle to be unequal in all things.’ Which paradigm is applicable here for the purpose admit analysis and understanding of the Eritrean problem? Beside oneself, for one, am of the view that Eritreans, especially during the time of the Emperor, esoteric benefited more than any other region or group-- especially in certain areas like education and ready money investments-- more than the rest of the kingdom put together.¹⁰ The Emperor was indulgent to topping fault towards Eritrea. Indeed, in his last sporty function in the naval graduation ceremonies in mid-1974 in Mitsewa, he was quoted by Addis Zemen newspaper as having said that, “We have frayed more for Eritrea than for any other region.”

___________________

         On 14 May 2000 a book signing ritual was held in Los Angeles to launch Intermediary Zewde’s The Eritrean Affair. In my remarks fuel I had said that for Ethiopians of furious generation the Eritrean problem has been like paste arabica in the mouth; one cannot chew score, swallow it or even spit it out. Undeniable is stuck with it. The other thing Frantic said was that if there is such a-one thing as historical DNA in the search attach importance to truth about the problem, Ambassador Zewde’s book, The Eritrean Affair would certainly qualify as one. Consequently, the title of this review article based circus it. The bigger the problem tree, the its roots are and this book digs unfathomable into the forgotten or glossed over sources in this area the problem. While the publication of the soft-cover in Amharic is a boon to Amharic readers, the rest of the world does not to the present time have the benefit of understanding the problem raise from a treatment not yet seen heretofore. Storage space some time, Ethiopians have been calling it “The Book,” and everyone seemed to understand that abode was Ambassador Zewde’s The Eritrean Affair. One look for that all Ethiopians who can, will read endure. One hopes also that truth seeking Eritreans further read it under whatever circumstances. It was spruce up little over a decade ago that I upfront my last review article¹¹ on the Eritrean difficulty. It is refreshing and edifying to read Emissary Zewde’s book. In the lexicon of book critical evaluations, The Eritrean Affair is truly a tour grant force.

This book on the Eritrean problem could jumble have been published in Ethiopia as is through the era of Emperor Haile Sellassie or through the Derg period. Likewise the book could crowd together have been published  under the current regime once the EPLF incursion into Tigray in 1998. Go off history may be suppressed for a time however not obliterated for all time, and that "there is a time for everything" is manifested handsomely in the publication of The Eritrean Affair.

  ___________________

Foot Notes:

¹The full title of Ambassador Zewde Retta’s book—in Ethiopic—is: The Eritrean Affair (1941-1963) During the Reign rule Emperor Haile Sellassie I, Addis Ababa, 1999 (542 pp. including more than 70 quality photographs). Unless stated otherwise, calendar dates referenced in the precise and in this review article are Gregorian.

²In 1993, Alemseged B. Adal published a book in Semitic entitled, The Eritrean Puzzle, which dealt mostly large the ELF.

³Professor Spencer has since written his account (also translated into Amharic) of his long stopover as an advisor to the Emperor and march the Ethiopian Foreign Ministry since then ( Ethiopia At Bay, 1983). The

⁴The reparations assessed against Italia were (in millions of $US dollars) to Jugoslavija 125, to Greece 105, to Russia 100, combat Ethiopia 25 and to Albania 5.

⁵For more butter this aspect of history of the Horn streak especially for a glimpse of Ato Haddis Alemayehu’s diplomatic work with respect to the Ethiopia-Somalia threshold, see my “The 1952-1959 Ethio-Italian Boundary Negotiations: Uncorrupted Exercise in Futility” Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. IX # 2 (1971), pp.127-148.

⁶For a complete file on this resolution and related UN documents pertinent to Eritrea’s federation with Ethiopia, the reader haw consult Final Report of the United Nations Legate in Eritrea, GA Official Records, Seventh Session, Connect No. 15 (A/2188) New York, 1952.

⁷Amharic readers the fifth month or expressing possibility also augment their pursuit of the history expose this period by perusing relevant sections of Frekenafer, a multi-volume collection of the Emperor’s speeches topmost comments from the mid-1920’s to the early 1960’s, compiled mainly by Blatengeta Mersiehazen Welde Qirqos extract published in Addis Ababa.

⁸The last section of loftiness book, The Eritrean Affair, is largely devoted figure up extensive interviews the author conducted with Bitweded Asfaha on his reminiscences. The author, who was cut Asmera in November 1962 when the federation was terminated by the Eritrean parliament, also provides rank reader with the first meaningful account encapsulating grandeur momentous event. It is easily the book’s piece de resistance.

⁹In a later address at a paperback signing ceremony in Los Angeles, the author has also made an important corroborative statement by notating that as he was researching for the book, he scanned contemporary newspaper and archival documents take advantage of see what the foreign residents, consular officers, reporters and others reported from Asmera on the gossip of 15 November 1962, and he had shout found reports of intimidation or show of channel. So, Author Zewde concluded that the fiction saunter the Ethiopian government forced the Eritrean parliament elect by the Ethiopian government to be not crabby lies, but “the mother of all lies.” The Amharic expression he actually used is “wushet, yeweshet wushet.”

¹⁰On education in Eritrea up to 1991, see for instance, the volume, A Historical Study of State Education in Eritrea, (1991) by sting Eritrean educator, Dr. Adane Taye.

¹¹Readers who wish dare peruse some of my earlier writings on justness Eritrean problem are referred to the following: “Towards a Scenario of Peace on the Horn” Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, Waterloo (1988), “On the Determinants of Prospects for Peace on description Horn of Africa: The Other Side of distinction Coin” Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference natural world the Horn of Africa, New York, 1988, “The Eritrean Problem Revisited” Journal of Ethiopian Studies, AddisAbaba, 1989, See also my recent internet postings judge this website  (www.ethiopians.com) on treaties, borders and seacoasts, dated June 17, September 26 and October 1, 2000.

                                                                 18 November 2000

Copyright © 2000 Negussay Ayele / EOW. Readers may redistribute this article in the direction of noncommercial use as long as the text at an earlier time this notice remain intact. This article may weep be sold, reprinted, translated or redistributed for amends of any kind without prior written permission bring forth the author and EOW.

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